Report from Nicaragua: Solidarity with the Sandinista Revolution

The writer was part of a Solidarity Delegation of members of Workers World Party and the Bronx Anti-War Coalition that traveled to Nicaragua in July for a commemoration of the 45th anniversary of the victory of the Sandinista Revolution. He also represented Friends of Swazi Freedom.

In July I took my first trip outside of the United States as part of a solidarity delegation to Nicaragua in order to learn more about the Sandinista Revolution and the process of socialist construction in this Central American nation. Truthfully, I did not know what to expect when visiting Nicaragua, and in reality, I never could have imagined the profound impact that this experience would have on my life.

During those nine glorious days our delegation traveled throughout Nicaragua, visiting various community development projects, museums and monuments. We attended a series of meetings with cadres of various organizations, such as labor unions and mass organizations. I was utterly amazed by the high political consciousness of the Nicaraguan masses.

Wherever we went, we encountered working people who participated in multifarious projects — ranging from constructing an infrastructural system to allow their communities to obtain access to water to visiting holistic medical clinics, which were built in the first few years of the Sandinista victory over the U.S.-backed Anastasio Somoza regime.

 It is interesting, because if one reads news articles published by AP News, CNN or other corporate media sources, one would think that the Nicaraguan people were apathetic towards the Sandinistas and political activity overall due to their being under the so-called “dictatorship” of what they term the “Ortega-Murillo regime.” 

‘War of Liberation’

To the contrary, the people we met were intricately connected to the revolutionary process, which in many cases began during the “War of Liberation” and has continued ever since. Unlike Dora Maria Tellez, now an opponent of the government, it is obvious that the Nicaraguan people were and continue to be dedicated to principles of the Sandinista Revolution. While experiencing such a high level of political mobilization and consciousness throughout the popular masses, I became very interested in the organizational and pedagogical strategies developed by the Sandinistas, which laid the foundation for such profound political and historical consciousness of the people. 

Soon it became clear that the high rate of political mobilization in Nicaragua is due to the unfolding of a dialectical process in which people’s political consciousness has not just developed due to education but is also due to the material reality of the democratic, socialist process of reconstruction of society. The most profound example of this process is the development of a nationwide, virtual educational system that is free for the public. We were told about this new program when we had a discussion with leaders of the FNT [Frente Nacional de los Trabajadores/National Workers Front], the main trade union in Nicaragua, which represents about 80% of all workers in the country. 

We were told that the goal of this government-sponsored program was two-fold. Firstly, the program was created in order to democratize the educational system and ensure that families in Nicaragua who live in rural areas or have difficulty traveling to a university during the week still have the opportunity to obtain a quality education and an accredited degree. 

The classes cover a series of topics, including learning technical skills, which are needed by the masses in order to tackle everyday issues, such as the struggle to improve production techniques — for example, agroecology and aquaponics. This is essential in a country in which the people are dealing with structural economic underdevelopment due to centuries of colonialism and continued U.S. imperialism’s attacks on the Nicaraguan economy.

Alongside the needed technical skills, there is an emphasis on ensuring the masses obtain political and ideological education. The Sandinistas recognize the contours of the hybrid war against their revolution. They remember how the U.S. government via the CIA and coordination with the comprador capitalist class in Nicaragua conducted a concerted campaign through the media apparatus in order to scare Nicaraguans into voting for a neoliberal and austerity platform in 1990, which led to the institutionalization of the counterrevolution in Nicaragua. 

The strategy of using the private media, whether newspapers, channels or radio stations, is wielded against the Sandinista Revolution to this day. Thus, the political and ideological education that the government presents through this nationwide virtual program is critical for ensuring that the imperialist-led information warfare does not succeed in organizing the masses against their own interests.

So this program works to first disseminate political theory and other theoretical frameworks that are foundational to the principles of the Sandinista Revolution; it provides the masses with the tools to analyze their own situations and collectively discuss strategies needed to overcome the various structural barriers that prevent the Sandinista Revolution from advancing.

Secondly, these classes serve as a means to counteract blatantly false accusations lodged against the Sandinistas by the imperialists and their domestic allies. The struggle against misinformation has been waged by all socialist and even national democratic revolutions. 

Role of Bolivarian Revolution

When hearing about this virtual education program and learning that Vice President Rosario Murillo has a daily slot on all the radio stations that allows her to speak directly to the Nicaraguan people about both domestic and international developments, I cannot help but recognize the tremendous role that Venezuela’s Bolivarian Revolution has played in influencing the second period of revolutionary construction in Nicaragua. 

Whether via Aló Presidente, a talk show hosted by the late Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, or through the numerous letters that Chávez got from the Venezuelan masses, one can see the popular democratic dynamic between the leaders of the Bolivarian Revolution and the masses. But this was not built overnight, and Chávez was faced with a massive disinformation campaign by the private media apparatus, which, along with private enterprise, played a major role in the failed two-day coup against him in 2002.

The documentary “The Revolution Will Not Be Televised” has a scene showing Chávez talking to Bolivarian officials and cadres of the PSUV [United Socialist Party of Venezuela] about the need for these officials to hold press conferences, make appearances on radio stations and work with newspapers to ensure that the success of the Bolivarian Revolution is made clear to the public. This strategy elucidated by Chávez has been put into practice by the Sandinistas via the two programs discussed above.

Unlike in the United States where the media lies to the masses in order to ensure that there is either public apathy or tacit support for imperialist military ventures overseas or increased militarization at home, in Nicaragua the Sandinista Revolution has constructed an informational apparatus that empowers the masses to build up and defend their homeland, one that seeks to foster solidarity whether between members of the Nicaraguan nation or with oppressed peoples in Palestine or elsewhere. 

Intricately connected to the struggle to empower the masses and inculcate them with revolutionary consciousness is the role that history plays in the Sandinista Revolution. As someone with a master’s degree in history, I was amazed by the public nature of historical scholarship and the emphasis that history plays a major role in the defense of the Revolution and in the continuous struggle to deepen and advance the Revolution.

Our delegation went to various museums, such as the house where Augusto C. Sandino, revolutionary leader, grew up, and the Museum of the Revolution in Leon. We were accompanied by tour guides who were very well-informed about the subjects dealt with in the exhibits. It was easy to see that there was a deep psychological connection to the historical subjects, shown in the discussion of the people’s war waged by Sandino or the activities of Carlos Fonseca [founder of the FSLN, the Sandinista National Liberation Front in 1963], or the various Latin American allies who gave their lives for the freedom of the Nicaraguan people.

History of anti-colonial struggles: an inspiration today

It was clear to me from my experiences there that the Nicaraguan people are tremendously proud of the revolutionary history of anti-colonial, anti-imperial struggle in their country. This history gives sustenance to the Sandinistas today just as it did for the first group that formed around Fonseca. It provides them with a weapon for recognizing that the history of Nicaragua was made by the struggle of the oppressed masses — and that the Sandinistas today are building the society which generations of Nicaraguans struggled and died for. 

Nicaraguans know that they are the heirs of this centuries-old struggle, and just as their ancestors won, they will continue to struggle against U.S. imperialism and achieve the goal of building revolutionary Nicaragua. 

Since the FSLN stands for the Sandinista Front for National Liberation, it is easy to see that the figure of Sandino plays a huge role in the revolutionary imagery and ideology of the party. He fought a protracted guerilla struggle from 1927-1933 against the occupation of Nicaragua by the U.S. Marines Corps and succeeded in ousting these imperialist troops from the country. Wherever one goes in Nicaragua, there are murals, statues and monuments dedicated to Sandino. 

Although the U.S. and other imperialist powers may claim that this is an example of the “cult of personality” by an “authoritarian regime” struggling to stay in power, I believe that this focus on Sandino has a different character. Undoubtedly, Sandino is revered because he led the successful struggle against U.S. imperialism, and the Sandinistas recognized that their struggle against the Somoza family was also a struggle against U.S. imperialism, as the U.S. was the main foreign backer of this family of bloody tyrants.

Thus, Sandino serves as a figure in whom the articulation of national sovereignty is inscribed. He represents the willingness of the Nicaraguan people to fight against any foreign oppressor which dares to subvert their country’s sovereignty. Another articulation of his figure dawned on me as we visited La Cuesta El Plomo on the way to Ciudad Sandino from Managua. 

Harold Urbina, our guide, told us the story behind the construction of the monument upon this specific hill. During the reign of Somoza II, the hill which this monument overlooks was where Nicaraguan families would search for the bodies of their loved ones who were murdered by Somoza’s National Guard. Thus, this hill was suffused with the spilled blood of the Nicaraguan people — the martyrs of the struggle against the bourgeoisie who sought to maintain the capitalist mode of production in Nicaragua. 

I believe that connecting Sandino’s figure in a monument overlooking this area is indicative of the “democratization” of Sandino. To the Nicaraguan people, the martyrs of the Revolution are all imbued with the spirit of Sandino and also connected, because they, too, gave their lives for the liberation of the nation. Thus, there is an articulation of the figure of Sandino which recognizes that his feats were intricately connected to the collective struggle of the masses. 

When the Sandinistas say that they are the descendants of Sandino, it is a recognition that any generation that continues the struggle for national liberation and self-determination is building on the principles that were fought for by Sandino and the popular masses who were by his side. 

A century later the Sandinistas, with the support of the masses and armed with the ideology of Sandinismo, continue the struggle to build a people-centered socialist society that is articulated within the historical and contemporary context of Nicaragua.

Before we move on to a discussion of the internationalist aspect of the Sandinista Revolution that I encountered on my trip, there is one more facet of Nicaragua’s history that I would like to point out. As we toured the Plaza de la Revolución, we came across a beautiful circular monument which had a seemingly disparate set of carvings painted on the top of it. Our guide explained that each set of carvings were representations of major “phases” of Nicaraguan history. 

Honoring Indigenous nations

When looking at these carvings, one can trace the country’s history from the Indigenous nations that fought against the first Spanish colonizers to the Nicaraguan struggle against William Walker and his filibuster gang to the liberation from Somoza. [Walker was a U.S. pro-slaver colonizer who seized the presidency in 1856, then was ousted a year later.] These carvings are extremely powerful, as they not only represent the “Creole” resistance to colonialism and U.S. imperialism but emphasize the Indigenous heritage and presence in Nicaragua, which was also seen and celebrated during the July 19th festival. 

This is important, as we know, because as those living in the settler-colonial U.S., that the history, heritage and continued presence of Indigenous people — who survived the numerous genocides that are integral to the foundation of the U.S. — are purposefully hidden in discussions of contemporary public policy or historical narratives. Obfuscating the reality that hundreds of Indigenous nations were present in Turtle Island before U.S. expansionism is integral to the mythos of the state’s “legitimacy,” thus leading to the exclusion of Indigenous epistemologies. It also acts to maintain the structural anti-Indigenous character of this country. 

I wish I could have gone to the Caribbean Coast and met with Miskito individuals to learn more about the role of Indigenous people within the Sandinista Revolution, but I can say with certainty that there is a marked difference between the orientation of the U.S. state to Indigenous nations and that of the Sandinistas toward Miskito and other Indigenous peoples in Nicaragua. 

Nobody, not even Sandinista cadre, would claim that the Sandinista Revolution has completely solved the national question regarding Indigenous people, but there is a framework that is advancing a process in which the historical inequalities against Indigenous nations — due to the history of colonialism and imperialism — are on the pathway to be resolved. This is not carried out in a paternalistic way but through the agency and sovereignty of the Indigenous nations themselves. 

Internationalism and the Sandinistas

Pivoting away from more abstract discussions about my time in Nicaragua, I want to discuss the concept of internationalism and the Sandinista Revolution. Whether we were in Managua or in Leon, we saw monuments and other manifestations that exemplified the interconnection between the Sandinista Revolution and anti-imperialist struggles throughout Latin America.

 In Leon, there are streets with small monuments that celebrate the lives of martyrs of not only the Sandinista Revolution but of other struggles in Latin America. 

Side by side are the story of a fallen Sandinista soldier and a memorial to Salvador Allende and Jacobo Arbenz, who were both victims of U.S. imperialist intervention in Chile and Guatemala, respectively. 

There are other Latin Americans represented on Leon’s streets. These serve to recognize that the struggles waged against U.S. imperialism throughout Latin America were both an example to the Sandinistas and representations of the material, fraternal struggles fought to free Latin America from economic dependence and imperialist intervention. 

At no point would accusations of a “narrow nationalism” guiding the Sandinistas hold any water. Various cadre always stressed the importance of internationalism in building the revolution. It should be noted that one museum we visited in Leon discussed the history of the revolution and displayed pictures of foreign revolutionaries, such as Che Guevara, Fidel Castro and Camilo Torres, as well as a mural of various Latin American revolutionaries side by side with Sandinistas. 

It is important to elucidate the fact that the Sandinistas struggled against the Somoza family and then the Contras [U.S.-financed counterrevolutionary forces], with the help of revolutionary movements and peoples worldwide. The Sandinistas were not alone — but were comrades in arms with a transnational struggle for liberation that occurred in the 20th century and is still being waged to this day.

Monument to Hugo Chávez

In Managua the most prominent internationalist monument we saw was of Hugo Chávez. It is not just a symbolic veneration of the late leader of the Bolivarian Revolution but is a celebration of the victory of a fraternal Latin American people. Whether through his leadership in leading the Bolivarian Revolution or the construction of ALBA (Bolivarian Alliance for the People of Our America) and Telesur, Chávez has been integral to the reinvigoration of the struggle for Latin American unity and independence during the 21st century. 

Thus, there is no surprise that such a beautiful monument to him resides in the Rotunda Hugo Chávez. It should be noted that the importance of the comradeship between the Sandinista Revolution and the Cuban and Bolivarian Revolutions is not just recognized through memorials and monuments. During a discussion with FNT workers, I had asked a question regarding the importance of ALBA to Nicaragua and the Sandinista Revolution. 

In answering the question, the comrades spoke very highly of both Venezuela and Cuba as essential partners in building both an integrated Latin America and an alternative path to collective development that can counteract the impact of illegal U.S. sanctions. They frankly showed a divide between the dedication of both the Bolivarian and Cuban Revolutions to constructing a united Latin America and the countries they claimed were opportunists. This was interesting and showed the importance of the impact of Latin American solidarity on the Sandinista working class and the revolution overall.

Global solidarity celebrated

Global solidarity by the Sandinistas does not begin and end with Latin America though. The widespread nature of internationalist connections with the Sandinista Revolution was fully shown throughout the July 19th celebration that our delegation had the honor of attending. As we entered the celebration, we saw some of the diplomats who were present from Burkina Faso, Russia, South Ossetia and Vietnam. 

I spoke to the Burkina Faso delegates and got a fist bump from one of them, which was an amazing experience. The main point is that the nations that were present have been under attack by U.S./European Union imperialists or criticized by their media. These nations have been leading the struggle against a unipolar world capitalist system whose hegemon is the United States. 

It is obvious that the Sandinista Revolution is one component of this world historical process that is occurring, which will allow for the construction of an alternative economic order, one that is not threatened by U.S. or EU imperialism. During this celebration there was a sense of unity and, of course, a denunciation of the U.S./NATO war in Ukraine.

I want to focus a bit on the solidarity shown between the Sandinistas and Africa and Palestine. Burkina Faso is now led by Captain Ibrahim Traore and is part of the wider Pan-Africanist formation of the Alliance of Sahelian States. Traore and his comrades in Mali and Niger have come together in this formation as a way to construct a united front against French neo-colonialism and U.S. imperialism. With the people in the vanguard, this development has led to a world historical defeat to the imperialists. 

What is also important about Traore is that he views himself as a leader who is dedicated to continuing the revolution that was unleashed during the government of Thomas Sankara [revolutionary leader of a leftist coup in Burkina Faso in 1983, became president, then was assassinated four years later]. So it is beautiful to see the solidarity between the Sandinistas and revolutionary Burkina Faso, because it is a continuation of a relationship forged in revolutionary struggle during the Sankara years. 

It should be remembered that Sankara criticized the terroristic methods used by the

Reagan administration against revolutionary Nicaragua at the United Nations. Burkina Faso and Nicaragua were comrades-in-arms during the Sankara era, and to this day this relationship has been maintained and is extremely important, especially with the rise of the Alliance of Sahelian States. 

Alongside Burkina Faso, there were representatives from Zimbabwe, Algeria and the Republic of South Africa. Nelson Mandela’s grandson spoke. These countries have a longstanding history of anti-colonial, anti-imperialist struggle alongside the Sandinistas. It was truly beautiful to see these relationships play out and to hear the continuity that arose in the speeches of these African dignitaries.

It was clear how important unity is in the face of imperialism — and in the collective economic struggle to build a new world in which Nicaragua and Africa can break free from the chains of imperialism and neocolonialism.

‘Viva Palestina!’

Now, we will finish this discussion with the internationalist solidarity shown to the

Palestinian people. Before we arrived at the July 19th festival, we saw a park called “Parque Palestina,” which is beautifully lit and has a Palestinian flag flying alongside the FSLN and Nicaraguan flag. This park was recently built as a symbol of solidarity with the Palestinian struggle against the Zionist entity of Israel.

On the night of July 19, this solidarity was brought to the fore as we learned that the honored guest speaker of the night was none other than Palestinian freedom fighter Leila Khaled. The honor of being able to hear this valiant, militant member of the Political Bureau of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine was too much. But in the midst of the excitement, it was beautiful to hear her discuss the longstanding solidarity that the Sandinistas have shown with the Palestinian people. 

We know that Patrick Argüello, a close comrade of Khaled’s, was with her during an operation to hijack a plane in 1970 to demand the release of Palestinian hostages held by the Zionist entity. He was Nicaraguan and a Sandinista who was martyred by Israeli security forces. Thus, the Sandinistas have not only shown symbolic and material solidarity with the Palestinian struggle, but Nicaraguan blood has been shed in the valiant struggle for Palestinian national liberation.

In his speech, Nicaragua’s President Daniel Ortega condemned the U.S. backing of the Zionist entity’s genocide in Palestine and emphasized that these two struggles — of Nicaraguans and Palestinians — are intertwined. It was a beautiful moment to hear tens of thousands of Sandinistas chanting “Viva Palestina!” and showing solidarity with Leila Khaled and the Palestinian people.

To end this article, I would just say that going to visit Nicaragua on this delegation was a life-changing experience. It was very important, because it allowed me to see through a lot of the imperialist propaganda that targets the Sandinista Revolution and the presidency of Daniel Ortega. Where I was supposed to find a dictatorship, I found a society in which the people are the leaders, where the popular masses are in struggle against imperialism and are building their nation. 

That is why the United States continues to wage war against Nicaragua — because they are afraid of the power of the masses. They know that with the Sandinista Revolution, the masses are in power, and they will refuse to be exploited by U.S. corporate capital. Truly, it was amazing to speak to Nicaraguans and learn about the importance of the revolution and its manifestation in everyday life. I cannot wait to visit this beautiful nation again and still feel reinvigorated and even more dedicated to the anti-imperialist struggle after my time in the land of Sandino.