In his first speech after the Al-Aqsa Flood, Hezbollah Secretary-General Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah stated that the support front from Lebanon operates according to two criteria: one related to the scale of the enemy’s attacks and the other concerning the support needed to prevent the breaking of the resistance in Gaza.
The leader of Ansarallah, Sayyed Abdulmalik Al-Houthi, was quick to announce that Yemen’s involvement in the battle aims to stop the aggression and lift the siege on Gaza. Both parties, in all subsequent statements issued by their respective war media, emphasized key phrases: supporting Gaza, backing its resistance and striving to stop the aggression and lift the siege.
Later, Nasrallah and Al-Houthi developed their stance in several speeches, linked to various events, most importantly, the coordination between the forces of the Axis of Resistance, which took a different form and settled on mechanisms that included all fronts, including Gaza itself.
It won’t be long before some of the daily operational coordination, both politically and on the ground, between the parties of the Axis is revealed, from the center in Iran, passing through Iraq, Syria, Yemen, Lebanon and reaching Gaza and the rest of Palestine.
Over the past nine months, the resistance in Gaza has provided one proof after another of its steadfastness, patience and effectiveness, supplying allies with sufficient information about its conditions until the moment when the leaders of the Axis realized that the idea of crushing the resistance in Gaza was behind everyone.
The focus then shifted to the support mechanism that benefits the resistance in Gaza from two aspects: the first involves the attrition of the enemy and pushing it to stop the war, and the second concerns the position of the resistance in the ongoing negotiations to stop the war, especially since the political pressures on the resistance are immense, involving Palestinians, Arabs and the U.S. and “israeli” enemies.
The recent weeks have shown that Benjamin Netanyahu’s government does not intend to proceed with a deal to end the war, and its head openly rejected a settlement he said achieves Hamas’s goals. He then engaged in a new maneuver that became more tied to the event of the U.S. election, and his government members can no longer hide their bet on the fall of Joe Biden’s administration, relying on Donald Trump’s victory.
They are now acting on the basis of continuing the war until these elections, with “israeli” Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir going so far as to reveal the big secret by stating that agreeing to the proposed deal would be a stab in Trump’s back.
Alongside the constant question about the most beneficial form of support for Gaza and its resistance, regional and international items were added to the Axis of Resistance’s agenda, including how to deal with the U.S. [election] event.
Axis leaders are acting on the basis that there is no point in waiting for any change in the positions of the official Arab system, as Saudi Arabia and the UAE [United Arab Emirates] show readiness to take revenge on Yemen, while Jordan cooperates with the Ramallah [Palestinian] Authority and its Security Forces in plans to suppress the resistance in the West Bank. Everyone, under Egypt’s patronage, is involved in searching for an alternative authority to Hamas in Gaza, despite all being aware that achieving this would lead to a Palestinian-Palestinian civil strife that the enemy wants to be the first line in the “Day After” program.
Hezbollah and Ansarallah were very frank when they said from the early days of the war that breaking the resistance in Gaza is forbidden. All this necessitated reconsidering the field programs of the resistance forces, imposing changes that can be implemented according to an arrangement that does not contradict the specificity of each party in the Axis of Resistance, without necessarily leading to a wide-scale war.
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