President Aristide prepares return to Haiti
By
G. Dunkel
Published Feb 17, 2011 9:37 PM
President Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s lawyer said on Feb. 13 that necessary
paperwork has begun in Port-au-Prince and that the Haitian leader is expected
back shortly. Year after year tens of thousands of Haitians have marched, some
have even died in police attacks, to demand the Haitian leader’s return
after U.S. Special Forces flew him into exile in 2004.
While Aristide’s expected return has been widely reported
internationally, the maneuvering and the rumors that are being circulated are
mainly restricted to the Haitian press and the wire services.
U.S. State Department spokesman P.J. Crowley said at his Washington press
briefing on Feb. 9: “We would be concerned if former President Aristide
returns to Haiti before the election. It would prove to be an unfortunate
distraction to the people of Haiti.”
Félix Ansyto, a leader of Aristide’s Fanmi Lavalas party, responded
to Crowley, “This is intimidation.” He continued: “It is not
for the U.S. to know what will cause a problem or not. The Americans may
comment on the presence or absence of an American citizen, but not on the
return home of a Haitian — nobody can stop a Haitian from returning home
whenever they want.” (Haiti’s Alter Press, Feb. 11)
U.S. spokespeople have pushed getting a “successful” election in
Haiti — one that produces a reliable tool for the subjugation of Haiti.
Crowley’s comments indicate the State Department fears that if Aristide
calls for a boycott of the upcoming election, this could have a major impact
and that his mere return could lead to an eruption of popular anger.
Ansyto also commented on the rumors that the U.S. has a secret indictment
against Aristide for allegedly stealing money from the sale of Haiti’s
telephone company, saying that the U.S. should stick to its own crooks —
like George W. Bush.
U.S. interference included maneuvering to remove Jude Célestin from the
number two spot in the first round of voting, which took place Nov. 28. This
maneuver was at best deceptive, if not outright illegal. The electoral
commission is supposed to arrive at decisions by majority vote, but four of
eight members say they did not vote to replace Célestin with Michel
“Sweet Mickey” Martelly. However, an announcement was made the
morning of Feb. 3 that the deed had been done. (Haïti-Liberté, Feb.
9-15).
Martelly made his career as a Haitian konpa singer. But during the
military’s rule after the first coup against Aristide in 1991 he
participated in death squads run by Col. Joseph-Michel François.
(haiti-liberte.com, Dec. 17) Mirlande Manigat, his opponent in the runoff, was
Haitian first lady while her spouse was president after the fall of Duvalier
for a few months under the military in the late 1980s. She has been a
politician and an academic on and off for most of her life.
While the current president, René Préval, constitutionally was
supposed to turn over his government to a caretaker on Feb. 7, he had a law
passed a few months ago extending his term until May. Tèt Kole Oganizasyon
Popilè (Heads Together of Popular Organizations) held a protest
demonstration that marched on the National Palace before it was broken up by
the cops, who, using tear gas, chased the participants into the tent encampment
in the park across the street.
Later that day, when the leaders of Tèt Kole were meeting at the office of
a movement lawyer, the national police sent in a heavily armed squad to arrest
them on warrantless minor charges.
Both the Haitian National Police and the U.N.’s occupying force, called
Minustah, are working hard to keep the lid on the rising anger in Haiti over
fraudulent, costly elections; 80 percent unemployment; the growing misery of
more than 1.5 million people living in tents or under tarps for over a year
with no safe water, electricity or sanitation and no schools for their kids;
and a cholera epidemic that is killing around 100 people a week and sickening
thousands.
Articles copyright 1995-2012 Workers World.
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