The reactionary legacy of Ronald Reagan
By
Naomi Cohen
Published Feb 19, 2011 9:12 AM
100,000 march
on May 3, 1981,
in D.C. against
Reaganism.
Photo: Workers World newspaper 1981
|
Based on a talk given Feb. 10 at a New York Workers World Party
meeting. Go to www.workers.org to see the podcast of this talk.
Feb. 6 marked the 100th anniversary of the birth of Ronald Reagan and gave the
media and right wing the opportunity to subject the population to yet another
celebration of the racist, anti-labor, anti-woman, anti-lesbian-gay-bi-trans
and militarist legacy of the man.
For the working class and oppressed people it should be a time for reflection
over what the significance of the “Reagan era” was for our class
and what lessons can be learned in the fight against racism, reaction and
imperialist aggression today.
Ronald Reagan began his campaign for president in 1980 by carefully choosing
Philadelphia, Miss., as the site for a speech in which he extolled
“states’ rights.” With confederate flags flying all around,
the message was clear that the era of giving lip service to civil rights for
the African-American population was over. Open racism and reaction would be the
order of the day. And he chose to send this message in the very city where
three young civil rights workers — James Chaney, Andrew Goodman and
Michael Schwerner — had been lynched by the KKK and local police 16 years
earlier.
It is worth setting the stage for this rightward turn in U.S. politics with
some background to Reagan’s election. In April 1975, the Vietnamese
liberation army swept into Saigon and forced the U.S. military and thousands of
their puppets to leave Vietnam. All progressive humanity celebrated as they
watched the war criminals rush to the roof of the U.S. Embassy in Ho Chi Minh
City to be evacuated by helicopter. But for the U.S. military, this was a
humiliating and bitter defeat that they would not soon forget.
During this same period in the 1970s liberation movements in Angola, Mozambique
and Guinea Bissau drove the Portuguese colonial power out of Africa and almost
resulted in a proletarian revolution in Portugal itself. There were revolutions
in Ethiopia, Southern Yemen, Nicaragua, Iran and Afghanistan. And the
Palestinian struggle was gaining strength. Widespread insurgencies in Central
America in El Salvador and Guatemala were also threatening U.S. imperialism in
its own backyard.
Leader needed to assert U.S. hegemony, crush workers
It is no wonder that the U.S. ruling class was looking for a leader who would
halt the decline of their fortunes abroad and, in addition, carry out an
assault on the working class and oppressed people at home. The time for
concessions to the working class was over as far as they were concerned.
The posture of offering peaceful coexistence to the Soviet Union was also over.
Reagan labeled the Soviet Union “the evil empire” and initiated a
massive arms build-up to force the Soviet Union into a renewed arms race
[notably the “Star Wars” program] that was aimed at derailing their
planned economy and threatening their very existence.
The Reagan administration spent tens of millions of dollars propping up the
contra war against the Sandinista regime that had liberated Nicaragua from
decades of U.S. puppet rule under the Somoza military dictatorship. They sent
aid to the death squad regimes in El Salvador and Guatemala, resulting in mass
killings, torture and imprisonment of opposition forces. And his administration
was a staunch supporter of the apartheid South African regime.
In 1982 Reagan sent the Marines as part of a so-called international force into
Lebanon after giving the green light to their Israeli puppets to invade Lebanon
earlier that year. Israel launched an all-out assault on the Palestinian
refugees there and the Palestine Liberation Organization. After giving Israel
cover for the massacre of Palestinians in the refugee camps of Sabra and
Shatila, the expedition turned into a disaster for the U.S. when the Marine
barracks in Beirut was bombed in 1983. Over 200 Marines were killed, and the
U.S. was forced to withdraw their troops in 1984.
In 1983 Reagan again used the U.S. military to invade the tiny island of
Grenada, which had a revolutionary government headed by Maurice Bishop of the
New Jewel Movement. Bishop had opened friendly relations with Cuba. When this
government was destabilized by an internal struggle, the U.S. military invaded
under the excuse that the Cubans and Soviet Union were aiding Grenada to build
an airport that would be a security threat to the U.S.
At the same time that Reagan was carrying out aggression abroad, he sent a
chilling message to the workers at home. When 11,000 members of the
Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization went on strike for shorter
hours and better pay in 1981 soon after he took office, Reagan told them to get
back to work within 48 hours or face dismissal for life. When the workers did
not return to work, they were all fired and banned from working as air traffic
controllers. PATCO had endorsed Reagan for president.
He initiated a hateful campaign against what he called “welfare
queens” as a way to sow hatred of those on welfare and justify cutbacks
in Aid to Families with Dependent Children. He slashed job training programs
(the Comprehensive Employment and Training Act), which in 1978 were providing
750,000 jobs across the country, many for inner-city youth. He labeled the AIDS
epidemic as a “gay” disease, refusing to do anything to fund
medical research for treatment. And who can forget that the Department of
Agriculture under Reagan tried to reclassify ketchup as a vegetable to save
money on school lunch programs for poor children.
The Reagan presidency elicited an immediate response from the movement in the
U.S. The People’s Anti-War Mobilization was formed, involving anti-war
groups as well as community activists, labor unions, anti-racist, LGBT, Native
American, Central American and Palestinian solidarity groups. PAM mobilized
more than 100,000 protesters to march on the Pentagon on May 3, 1981, under
slogans of “U.S. out of El Salvador,” “Defend Atlanta’s
children” and “No to racism, sexism and anti-gay bigotry.” It
was the first such mobilization of that size that aimed to beat back the Reagan
attack. It was the also the first major mobilization that featured a
Palestinian speaker.
Legacy of hatred, oppression
In June and July 2004, following Reagan’s death, Fred Goldstein
summarized the essence of the Reagan presidency in Workers World this way:
“Reagan’s task was to prepare for military adventure abroad; to
push back the USSR, the socialist camp and the national liberation movements;
to overturn all the remaining economic, social and political concessions won by
the workers’ struggles during the Roosevelt period; and to take back the
gains of the Black people and all the oppressed nationalities won during the
1950s and 1960s and of women and lesbians, gay, bi and trans people during the
1970s.
“This aggressive orientation arose out of the predatory need of the
capitalist class to rescue its position as the dominant exploiter of the world.
This orientation has not changed since and has been pursued by every
administration, Democrat and Republican, since then.”
We can easily recognize these characteristics in the policies of the Bush Sr.,
Clinton and G.W. Bush presidencies that followed Reagan. While the
neoconservative inheritors of the Reagan legacy in the Republican Party and Tea
Party heap abuse and racist slurs upon President Barack Obama, nevertheless the
needs of Wall Street and big business and the demands of the military for
continued occupation in Iraq and Afghanistan have gotten the highest priority
from his administration.
In the last two years the hopes of the labor movement to win the Employee Free
Choice Act were quickly dashed; the yearning for genuine rights for immigrant
workers was answered by mass deportations of the undocumented; the expectations
by women that reproductive choice would be safeguarded have been met by
continuing violence against women’s health clinics. And through it all,
the aggressive stance of the U.S. military not only in Afghanistan, but against
the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, China and Iran keep the world
at the brink of wider war.
Following Reagan’s militarist posturing, in 2002 George Bush and
Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld assumed that all it would take was
“shock and awe” (that is, massive bombing, followed by a limited
number of special forces on the ground) to bring the Iraqi people to their
knees. But the whole U.S. military establishment was in for a shock of their
own. Ten years later they have had to draw down their forces in Iraq and
escalate the war in Afghanistan, with no end in sight.
The ground has now given way under the puppet Mubarak, with all his billions of
dollars in U.S. military aid. We can see in the living struggle the feet of
clay of the tyrants once the people are in motion. And we look forward to the
next chapter in the unfolding revolution in Egypt. This is the future, not the
legacy of hatred and oppression of a man like Ronald Reagan.
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