Lessons of Wisconsin: Only the class struggle works
By
Fred Goldstein
Published Jun 23, 2011 10:17 PM
The cutting-edge struggle in Wisconsin against the capitalist anti-labor,
pro-austerity offensive suffered a severe legal setback on June 14. The state
Supreme Court overturned a permanent injunction against the union-busting bill
signed into law March 11 by the reactionary, racist governor, Scott Walker.
The Dane County court, after mass pressure, had issued an injunction against
the bill on May 26. But Walker, architect of the so-called “budget
repair” bill, had the capitalist class behind him and prevailed in the
higher court.
The problem is not just the legal ruling. The basic question to be asked by
rank-and-file unionists, leaders in the oppressed communities and militant
students and youth, all of whom pushed this great struggle forward, is the
following:
How could the organized labor movement and its allies allow a decision by a
tiny group of judges in a capitalist court to override the actions and demands
of hundreds of thousands of Wisconsin workers — organized and
unorganized, employed and unemployed, immigrants, farmers, youth and students,
community organizations — who have been in a high state of mobilization
since the Feb. 14 occupation of the Capitol?
This draconian law wipes out collective bargaining by public workers. It
establishes the same provisions that prevail in the so-called “right to
work” states in the U.S. South. Under associated budget provisions, $800
million or more will be taken from services for the people — including
education, health care, food and housing assistance. Hundreds of millions of
dollars will be given to the rich in tax breaks and contracts.
The mobilization of Wisconsin workers for four months was one of the greatest
sustained shows of strength and organization by the unions in decades. It
inspired solidarity, national and international, and a rise in public support
for unions.
The 18 days of occupying the Capitol and mass rallies peaked on March 12, when
an estimated 185,000 surrounded the Capitol in Madison.
How can such an unpopular set of laws be imposed on millions in the face of
this?
It’s not over
It is not too late to ask these questions. One chapter in the Wisconsin
struggle may be over, but the attacks are not. The opportunity to reopen the
battle may soon reappear.
The short answer is that the struggle had to move from purely political
pressure of mass demonstrations to the direct class struggle, where the
government, the bosses and the bankers would either be stopped cold or made to
pay a high price.
Great excitement and hope was raised when the Wisconsin South Central
Federation of Labor, representing 45,000 workers, voted to support any measures
taken by its member unions to prepare for a general strike if the law passed.
This vote came after a demonstration of 100,000 at the Capitol two days
earlier.
The buzz about a general strike in Wisconsin affected the labor movement around
the country. Often radical groups demand the labor movement call a general
strike without regard to the conditions. But, for the first time in many years,
the actual conditions seemed to be taking shape and a major labor federation
actually brought it up.
The next week, on Feb. 26, the demonstrations in Madison increased in size and
scope to 150,000. Solidarity demonstrations were held in all 50 states.
Delegations came to Madison from far and wide, including a planeload of
unionists from Los Angeles.
Using an illegal parliamentary maneuver, the Republicans passed the
union-busting law and on March 11 Gov. Walker signed it into law. The next day
the largest demonstration yet took place, estimated by the AFL-CIO at 185,000,
including a large delegation of Wisconsin farmers on their tractors.
By this time it was crystal clear that no amount of political pressure was
going to move Walker, the Republicans or the ruling class behind them.
The demonstrations had reached maximum strength. The law was passed. The ranks
and lower-level union officials waited to see, now that the bill had passed,
what would be the next step.
One option was to reoccupy the Capitol with massive numbers. The occupation had
been ended earlier by a combination of lying and trickery by state and labor
officials, who helped coax the student and worker occupiers out of the
building.
Would there be encouragement or motion for a general strike? The bill had not
been stopped. Now it had to be overturned. The struggle needed to be
escalated.
The Wisconsin South Central Federation of Labor website published a detailed
explanation of how the labor movement in Ontario, Canada, had from 1995 to 1998
carried out 11 Days of Action. These general strikes had defeated union busting
and a harsh austerity program. (scfl.org)
Leaders of the Ontario struggle described in detail such things as how to
overcome divisions among the unions and how to build alliances with community
organizations and social movements. It showed how to set up strike committees
with co-chairs from the unions and the community. This is most important in
Wisconsin because, while the center of struggle was in Madison, the Black,
Latino/a community and immigrant communities, documented and undocumented,
would be central to the success of any statewide struggle against the
government.
Educating white workers on solidarity with the oppressed communities would be
key. The Ontario labor leadership showed how to carry out a protracted campaign
to educate union members in meeting halls, homes, bars and donut shops. It went
over how to bridge the different organizing styles of community groups and
unions, how to deal with the government, the cops, the bosses, the media and so
on.
It described how to set up transportation, emergency and medical services;
train pickets; map out the cities; create short- and long-term plans; set up a
general staff to organize and run the strike.
Most important were the examples of how the Canadian movement refused to
recognize that violating workers’ rights was “legal” and
instead declared the struggle legal.
Thus, while the union leadership in this country had basically no experience in
calling a general strike, a wealth of information was available on how to go
about it.
However, on the Wisconsin website, right next to the document on the general
strike, was a memorandum on legal rights virtually declaring that any move
toward a general strike or any other strike against the state was illegal and
put the union and its members in jeopardy of fines and arrests.
The labor leadership in Wisconsin, in the crunch, was silent on the general
strike. Instead it turned its attention to the movement to recall Republican
legislators and to the prospect of having the law overturned in the courts.
The entire weight of the decision to call a general strike cannot be left on
the shoulders of state leaders alone. In such a momentous decision, the state
and local leadership must know they are challenging the entire ruling class. It
was incumbent on the national labor leadership to declare openly that it would
wholeheartedly support such a crucial struggle, where the fate of public
employees is at stake. While AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka appeared at
support rallies, he never once pointed in the direction of the class struggle,
hewing to the line of support for the Democratic Party.
The workers were not defeated in some great class battle with the capitalist
state. The setback came about because the labor leaders would not use the
strength, energy and determination exhibited by the workers to overcome false
claims of capitalist “legality” handed down by the legislature and
the courts. Instead, the leaders bowed to capitalist rulings.
There is nothing wrong in principle with using the recall method to get rid of
reactionary legislators, nor to use the courts on occasion to enforce the
rights of the working class.
What is wrong, however, is to rely on these methods. Parliamentary and judicial
methods can at best be secondary when the struggle is with the capitalist class
and its state. Only the class struggle, which challenges the class power of the
bosses and their state, can bring any significant, lasting victory in the
struggle.
The only way to get there is for the rank and file of the labor movement to
organize from the ground up, build caucuses to promote the class struggle
against the bosses and their state and either force the union leaders to fight
or push them aside and take the unions over from below.
Articles copyright 1995-2012 Workers World.
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