Why Arab reactionary regimes do imperialism’s bidding
WW interviews Palestinian Marxist Dr. Adel Samara, part 1
By
Joyce Chediac
Published Jan 10, 2010 8:36 PM
The corporate media in the imperialist countries have much to say about the
Arab countries and developments in the Middle East. Rarely, however, do these
media permit people from the Middle Eastern countries to speak for
themselves.
Recently Workers World interviewed Dr. Adel Samara, a Palestinian Marxist from
the West Bank city of Ramallah. Dr. Samara is the author of more than 15 books
on the relationship of forces in the Middle East, and editor-in chief of
Kana’an, a quarterly magazine (kanaanonline.org). His view was very
different from the views covered in the New York Times or Fox TV.
Arab comprador regimes created by imperialism
Asked why the Egyptian government is aiding Israel and the U.S. in the siege
and blockade of Gaza, Samara gave a history of how most Arab regimes were
actually set up by imperialist powers to be dependants of imperialism and
agents of reaction in the Middle East.
The 1916 Sykes-Picot Treaty between the main imperialist powers, he said,
“divided up the area, fragmenting it into small countries and put a king
in every place. Weak and poor aristocratic elements agreed” to play this
role and be financed by imperialism. “These rulers were unable to last
without support of the imperialists. And they competed among
themselves.”
This has led to a situation where “the imperialist powers, especially the
U.S., pretend democracy while supporting the worst regimes in the history of
the Arab nation.” Imperialism does this in an attempt “to prove
there is no Arab nationality — this regime fights that one — ...
and because the imperialists know that an increase in Arab unity won’t be
good for Israel.”
Samara explained that from the time that the World Zionist Organization began
meeting in 1897, and when Britain backed a Zionist state in 1917 with the
Balfour Declaration, it was clear the Zionists had plans for a pro-imperialist
state in Palestine. Yet, “In 1948 and earlier, Arab regimes allowed Jews
from Arab countries to go to Palestine. Arab regimes knew that Jews would be
soldiers for a Jewish state in Palestine. Arab regimes contributed [to this
state].”
Arab armies which fought for Palestine in 1948 staged revolts later
It is well known that in the 1948 war and campaign of Zionist-imperialist
terrorism that erased Palestine from the map and replaced it with Israel, the
Arab armies were defeated. Not so well known is the fact that “the 1948
Arab armies together were smaller than the Zionist army. The Arab regimes did
not take defending Palestine seriously.”
There were exceptions. “In 1948, Iraqi forces fought the hardest and were
in a strategic position on that line that became the 1948 dividing line. But
they were forced to withdraw. As a result, the Iraqi regime lost credibility.
... Some of these Iraqi military leaders forced by their government to retreat
from defending Palestine in 1948 took part in the 1958 revolution in
Iraq,” which deposed a pro-British monarch.
Another exception occurred in the Egyptian army. “In 1948, Gamal Abdel
Nasser, then an officer in the Egyptian army, was in Fallujah [Iraq]. He and
other leaders of the Egyptian army refused to give up, and were under siege for
several months.” The refusal of the Egyptian regime of King Farouk to
back Nassar “created a bitterness between the Egyptian masses and the
leadership. It is why, in 1954, the people supported the coup” of the
young officers’ movement, headed by Nasser, which toppled King
Farouk.
“From 1948 to 1966 Jews living in the Arab countries, Arab Jews, were
allowed to go to Palestine, especially from Morocco and Iraq. In Iraq, from
1948 to 1958, the prime minister’s son was the owner of the Iraqi airline
and airlifted [Iraqi Jews] to Palestine. The Arab regimes gave the Israeli
regime cheap labor to be exploited by Ashkenazi,” that is, Jewish people
from Europe who formed Israel’s ruling class.
Israel started the 1967 war, attacking Jordan, Egypt, Syria and seizing and
occupying the West Bank, Gaza and Sinai. “The main goal in 1967 was to
destroy the Nassarist regime in Egypt.” This was because in “1963,
when a progressive current took power in Yemen and Saudi Arabia interfered, the
Egyptian army went to Yemen to support [the new government].” The West
was concerned that oil rich Saudi Arabia could be hit from Yemen.
“In 1967, the defeated Arab comprador regimes left the battle. From 1967
to 1973, most Arab regimes stopped contributing to the Palestine
struggle.”
From 1965 to 1970 Palestinians initiated their own struggles, independently of
the Arab comprador regimes. Dr. Samara said, “The Arab regimes tried to
contain this struggle, mainly by giving money to the rightwing headed by
[Yassir] Arafat, which became very rich. This containment continues today. The
role of the Arab regimes is to contain, interfere with and destroy the
Palestinian movement. This is one of the main reasons why a united Palestinian
front never developed within the Palestine Liberation
Organization.”
Egypt sides with Israel against Palestinian state
“The Arab regimes continued this policy,” he added. Anwar Sadat,
who became the Egyptian head of state after Nasser’s death, turned his
country again towards imperialism. In 1978, Sadat entered negotiations with
Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at Camp David and declared he would visit
Israel. Sadat went along with Begin, who said, “What we will give the
Palestinians is only autonomy and not a state.”
Dr. Samara pointed out that in 1970, in the Black September assault, King
Hussein of Jordan attacked the Palestinian presence in Jordan, killing
thousands and forcing the Palestinian Resistance into Lebanon.
And when Israel attacked Lebanon in 2006, he said, “Egypt, Saudi Arabia
and Jordan encouraged Israel to destroy Hezbollah.”
Now, “Egypt is enforcing the siege on Gaza — where there is no
food, no access to health care or other key supplies.”
The current Arab comprador regimes are “against resistance. They are in
the camp of the enemy and against peace for the Palestinian people. ... A
change is needed in the Arab homeland” away from “the leaders who
opened it up for all foreign powers.”
Nationalism of the comprador class vs. the nationalism of the
workers
“Under direct and indirect colonialism there is an unequal exchange.
Nationalism is an important tool in grouping people for developing cooperation
and unity, especially in the Third World.”
But there is also a class divide, Dr. Samara said. “The nationalism of
the comprador is dependant, and, selfish — only for the sake of the
ruling class. It is tied to imperialism.
“The nationalism of the bourgeoisie is against socialism. ... The
nationalism of the working class is nationalism open to socialism because this
class has an interest in socialism.”
Dr. Samara emphasized the importance of Marxist theory. He continued,
“Whether there is an organization or party of the popular classes is
decisive. If the party is there, the comprador will not be able to divert the
struggle. The fate of the revolution depends on if there is a communist party
or not.”
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