Local initiatives, coalition building, national actions for jobs not war
Published Nov 24, 2009 9:40 PM
Excerpts from a talk by John Parker from Los Angeles to the WWP
National Conference, Nov. 14.
My state of California and city of Los Angeles both had a terrible
unemployment rate of 5 percent in 1999. As of September of this year it’s
gotten worse with 12.3 percent in the state and 10.4 percent in Los Angeles.
These are record high numbers and it’s a national phenomenon that must be
addressed.
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Second Plenary Session: Jobs and human needs - not banks, racism and imperialist war. Speaker: John Parker.
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A major role of communists throughout history has not necessarily been fixated
on building a large party, but one that was capable of leading the working
class in a direction towards revolution.
One of our tasks must be to help our class win its confidence back through
struggles for its immediate needs, not only to defend our class against those
who threaten the survival of its members, but also to help fight off attempts
at dividing our class.
How does that play out locally? The comrades in Detroit can attest to the fact
that after successfully fighting off an eviction, the neighborhood participants
get galvanized. Even folks who once may have looked at each other as strangers
or maybe even adversaries can’t help but feel a close connection after
such a win and want to continue fighting together. We’ve also had that
experience in Los Angeles with some of the few battles we’ve won fighting
off foreclosures.
But, if strengthening our class confidence and even desire for unity were
solely based on the number of evictions we can fight it would not be
successful. For every one that we win probably thousands more occur during this
unprecedented economic crisis.
However, these battles are part of the broader political struggles representing
more than just those individual workers but in fact our entire class. By
fighting for a moratorium against foreclosures and evictions along with
providing some immediate needs for those fighting to stay in their homes we
make the few resources in time, people and money far greater than their
sum.
In Los Angeles, we have been successful in helping to lead one of the largest
union locals of the Service Employees International Union in that direction and
there exists the opportunity to expand that struggle into city council chambers
and perhaps the mayor’s office demanding an immediate moratorium. Whether
we are successful or not, the struggle will strengthen our class and be a
healthy contribution to the building of a national march for jobs in
Washington.
In addition to our own initiatives we must begin building coalitions of sincere
progressive organizations searching for a way to effectively come to the
defense of our class.
In some cases, a coalition of just three organizations that have a base in our
class can become a powerful force in any city and a basis for rapid growth with
actions that reach farthest in visibility and influence.
Our class also needs to be able to recognize its friends and allies. Our class
needs to recognize its members here in this country as well as in its
reflection cast in overseas waters.
Building international solidarity has great potential in Los Angeles. This is
where coalition building could be most productive because there are so many
immigrant rights coalitions that should be working together, whose members are
most acutely effected by the jobs crisis, whose family members are part of
unions like SEIU and the hospital workers unions, and who have family members
extorted into joining the military to gain either citizenship status or
supposed economic security and who, like their Black sisters and brothers, are
militarily occupied in their communities by racist police. All of these
communities have their oppressions exacerbated by a lack of jobs. And, given
our history in helping to build Black and Brown unity, we have the respect and
trust necessary to initiate united action.
We know how successful we were in building a national coalition against the war
after 2001. This was started with the building of local coalitions against the
war, sometimes with different names, but in many cases with our leadership.
With our party’s excellent analysis of what was most needed for our class
at that time, the best of the progressive movement joined with us to form a
national coalition which was able to incorporate the strengths of each
participating organization and focus our energies—making the
effectiveness of that coalition great.
Now, however, and partly because of actions of some organizations in the
anti-war movement refusing to build more deeply into the working class, the
media have been able to dampen the anti-war movement by ignoring it.
Building local Bail Out the People Movement chapters not only can make a
powerful national organization with great influence. It is a way to effectively
build the forces that will stop the war. When we have a march for jobs that
makes it clear that the main obstacle to spending on jobs is spending on war,
now you’ve got the remedy to rebuild the anti-war movement—a
movement fortified with the steel of workers, especially workers of color,
especially women workers, especially LGBTQ workers.
Our class needs to behave more like a disciplined army which engages in battles
not simply based on desire to engage the enemy anytime and anywhere, but to
calculate and coordinate the most effective actions.
Our leadership is powerful. We utilize the knowledge acquired from classless,
communal society through slave, feudal and capitalist society culminating in
the science of Marxism. We are well-equipped to help guide our class tactically
and strategically towards revolution.
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