Supreme Court denies review
Struggle intensifies to FREE MUMIA
By
Betsey Piette
Published Apr 15, 2009 2:38 PM
Reaction to the Supreme Court’s denial on April 6 of a new trial for
Mumia Abu-Jamal based on charges of racism in his 1982 court proceedings was
swift and wide-spread.
Members of International Concerned Family and Friends of Mumia Abu-Jamal and
their supporters quickly took to the internet and airwaves to get out word
about the impact of this decision and call for meetings to organize the next
stage in the struggle to win justice for this world-renowned political prisoner
still sitting on Pennsylvania’s death row.
Regular programming at WBAI New York was preempted on April 9 for a special
broadcast featuring Pam Africa, coordinator of ICFFMAJ; Linn Washington Jr.,
Philadelphia Tribune columnist and Temple University professor of journalism;
and Vincent Southerland, assistant counsel at the NAACP Legal Defense Fund.
Hosted by Suzanne Ross of the N.Y. Free Mumia Coalition, the program also aired
a live interview with Abu-Jamal by Noelle Hanrahan of the Prison Radio Project.
(www.prisonradio.org)
On two days’ notice, standing-room- only crowd attends New York emergency
meeting for Mumia.
WW photo: Joe Yuskaitis
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Asked about the Supreme Court’s denial of his appeal, Abu-Jamal stated,
“If it is the Batson issue, then it shows that precedent means nothing;
that the law is politics by other means; and that the Constitution means
nothing; that a fair jury means nothing.
“It’s been three decades. When I was at the pre-trial hearing
before Judge Sabo and he denied the motion, I knew then that he wasn’t
working with the Constitution. It did surprise me. It really shocked me because
I’d read the cases, and I knew what the law was.
“I knew what the law books said the law was. I learned then that
they’re not going by that kind of law and apparently they’re not
going by that kind of law now. If you read Batson and you read my case
it’s almost as if you’re in two different universes, and in fact
you are.”
Abu-Jamal continued, “There have always been different rules for Black
people. If you read Batson, what will surprise people who have never done so,
is it has nothing to do with the accused, the defendant, the personal trial.
Batson, in its own terms, says it protects the rights of those people who are
allegedly American citizens who are denied the right to serve as jurors.
“That’s what it says. But how does it do that when it allows people
to be removed after Batson became law for spurious reasons? Batson can be
bested and beaten by exactly the way the D.A. said it could–by
lying–and getting up and saying, ‘No, we didn’t have any
racist reason.’ Listen to the D.A. training video tape by Jack McMann
[1986] and if that doesn’t tell you all you need to know you’re
either deaf, dumb or blind.”
The ‘Mumia exception’
Vincent Southerland explained what the Supreme Court’s decision was
about—that Abu-Jamal was challenging the discriminatory selection of
jurors during his 1982 trial and that he was basing that challenge on a number
of facts that happened during the course of that trial.
Southerland said, “Before a trial begins, both the defense and prosecutor
have an opportunity to choose jurors they feel would be fair and impartial.
Both have the opportunity to question and strike jurors based on whether or not
they feel the jurors would be suitable.
“You cannot select jurors based on race,” Southerland stressed.
“There cannot be any racial indication in the jury selection process. If
there is, there’s a remedy to challenge that process. A case called
Batson v. Kentucky [U.S. Supreme Court] essentially gave attorneys the ability
to question whether or not other attorneys were using their strikes for racist
reasons.”
In Abu-Jamal’s case, the prosecutor used 11 of his 15 strikes to remove
Black jurors from the jury. In the end, Abu-Jamal’s case was tried before
a jury of ten whites and two Blacks. On top of the strikes made by prosecutors,
there was also a well-documented culture of discrimination by the Philadelphia
District Attorney’s office.
Throughout the early 1980s and late 1990s a disproportionate number of African
Americans were struck from capital case juries. A training tape by head D.A.
Jack McMann, released in 1986, explained how to be discriminatory in jury
selection, how to strike Black jurors and how to hide that fact from the
judge.
“While the tape was not produced at the time of Mr. Abu-Jamal’s
trial, we felt it was indicative of the long-standing history of discrimination
by the Philadelphia District Attorney’s office in jury selection at that
time,” Southerland noted.
“Despite all the evidence that attorneys for Mr. Abu-Jamal brought to the
court’s attention, the Supreme Court decided that they did not want to
hear his challenge to jury selection in this case. So that avenue of legal
attack has been foreclosed by the Supreme Court’s decision not to even
review the case.”
Southerland also spoke about the tremendous effect this ruling will have for
those convicted of crimes throughout the state of Pennsylvania and across the
country. “What the court did by declining to review his case was give an
indication as to what level of evidence you need to prove discrimination. In
this case, despite overwhelming evidence, despite the overwhelming taint of
race throughout the trial, the Supreme Court decided not to even look at
it.”
Abu-Jamal’s attorney, Robert R. Bryan, is going to seek a rehearing in
the Supreme Court on the Batson issue. “The chances of the court granting
rehearing are not great at all, but it is certainly a viable avenue to bring to
the court’s attention that discrimination occurred during the jury
selection,” said Southerland.
Linn Washington Jr. stated that in the past the U.S. Supreme Court has not
acted fairly in Mumia’s case, just as the Pennsylvania Supreme Court has
not and definitely the lower courts have not. Washington noted, “In this
particular case, with the 3rd Circuit Court of Appeals essentially creating new
standards for what must be proven before you can proceed with a jury
discrimination claim, this ruling conflicts with previous rulings of the U.S.
Supreme Court in other circuits; it was a case very ripe for appeal. However,
this case has been impacted with race and politics all along, so I think the
court made a political decision and didn’t proceed forward with
it.”
Washington gave other examples of the contradictory treatment Abu-Jamal has
received relative to other court rulings. He referred to these examples when
the courts either ignore or alter their previous law as the “Mumia
exception.”
“In 1986, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court said it was illegal for a
prosecutor to tell the jury, ‘Don’t worry about your verdict
because the inmate will have appeal after appeal.’ This ruling occurred
in a case tried by the same prosecutor who tried Abu-Jamal and before the same
judge who presided over his case,” Washington noted. “But when
Mumia’s case came up before this same court in 1989, they changed their
ruling, and then in 1991 they changed it back in another case.
“The Pennsylvania Supreme Court made a ruling denying an appeal in
Mumia’s case in March 1989 regarding his First Amendment right of
association and his right to make a statement before the jury. In February 1989
they had made a ruling in a case saying that particular right was of such
ancient origin that, when violated, a new trial was automatic. But 28 days
later they totally changed it around saying that right doesn’t apply in
capital murder cases.”
Pam Africa pointed out, “‘These judges do not have the right to do
wrong,’ quoting MOVE leader John Africa. Why do we have to respect what
these judges are doing when they break their own laws? The whole world is
watching, and a lot of people are in shock about what is happening here.
“Mumia is alive today because of the power of the people,” Africa
stated. “Yesterday, a guard told an imprisoned MOVE member that Mumia was
found dead in his cell. I called the prison asking to hear from Mumia, and
people all over the world called Governor Rendell’s office demanding that
he be allowed to call his family. In 45 minutes we received a call from him.
This shows the power of the people.
“District attorneys, judges, lawyers and even police have been
intimidated in this case–anyone who stands up against the FOP,” she
continued. “We are dealing with a situation of governmental terrorism,
enforced by organized crime–the Fraternal Order of Police. We must end
terrorism at home before we dare think about terrorism abroad. There should be
a civil rights investigation into this case immediately.”
On Saturday, April 11, organizing meetings were held in New York City and
Philadelphia to galvanize supporters around the case. Nearly 60 people braved
rainy weather to gather at a meeting at the Abiding Truth Ministries Church in
West Philadelphia sponsored by ICFFMAJ. Later that day in New York, a
standing-room crowd of about 150, overwhelmingly Black people, attended an
emergency meeting at the Solidarity Center called by the N.Y. Free Mumia
Coalition.
Both events took up a new petition campaign at www.Millions4Mumia.org and
www.IACenter.org addressed to Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. asking for
action in the 28-year-old case. The Justice Department just overturned the 2008
conviction of former Alaska Senator Stevens because of prosecutorial misconduct
in his case. The petition for Mumia notes that the prosecution in his case also
withheld information critical to the defense arguments for acquittal. The
petition notes that while Abu-Jamal is not a U.S. senator of great wealth and
power, he is a Black man revered around the world for his courage, clarity and
commitment and deserves no less than Senator Stevens.
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