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Part 3
ZIMBABWE: Land redistribution & Western sanctions
Published Mar 2, 2007 11:51 PM
Abayomi Azikiwe
Photo: Patricia Lay-Dorsey
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The following is the third and final installment from a talk entitled
“A review of developments in Somalia, Sudan, Zimbabwe and the role of the
African Union and the Pan-African Parliament/ Aspects of the politics of
contemporary Africa in the era of continuing imperialism” delivered at a
Detroit Workers World public meeting on Feb. 10 by Abayomi Azikiwe,
editor of Pan-African News Wire.
Azikiwe is a co-founder of the Michigan Emergency Committee Against War and
Injustice (MECAWI). He can be heard on radio weekly on WDTW, 1310 AM, on
Sundays from 10:00 a.m.-11:00 a.m. in Detroit. In Toronto, he can be heard on
Thursdays on CKLN, 88.1 FM, from 9:30 p.m.-10:00 p.m. This broadcast can be
heard online at www.ckln.fm
The talk was dedicated to the memory of the late Mama Adelaide Tambo, the
African National Congress Women’s League leader and widow of the late
Oliver R. Tambo, longtime acting president of the ANC while Nelson Mandela was
imprisoned in South Africa.
Britain was also the nation that colonized Zimbabwe during the last decade
of the 19th century. Mutapa was an ancient kingdom in Zimbabwe which has been
traced back to the 15th century. By the 19th century the kingdoms of
Matebeleland and Mashonaland ruled most of what is known today as Zimbabwe.
There were strong efforts aimed at anti-colonial resistance led by Lobengula of
Matebeleland and Nehanda and Kagubi of the Mashonas. However, the use of
superior weapons by the British resulted in the consolidation of a vicious
colonial system in what became known as Rhodesia (named after Cecil
Rhodes).
Beginning in the mid-1960s, the people of Zimbabwe launched an armed struggle
to overturn the settler-colonial system. The British settlers ostensibly broke
with the mother country and proclaimed a Unilateral Declaration of Independence
in 1965.
The act of defiance angered the Pan-Africanist and anti-imperialist government
of Kwame Nkrumah in Ghana, which broke diplomatic relations with Britain over
its refusal to put down the rebellion in Rhodesia. Nkrumah was overthrown in a
Central Intelligence Agency backed coup in February of 1966 after he had taken
such a strong position over the Rhodesia question.
Prior to the granting of national independence to Zimbabwe in 1980, both the
United Kingdom and the United States had agreed to provide monetary assistance
for a major land redistribution program in Zimbabwe. The debate over land
reform would intensify in Zimbabwe during the 1990s after no assistance from
the western nations was materializing. In 1998, when the government of the
Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriot Front (ZANU-PF) under President Robert
Mugabe made it clear that there would be radical land re-distribution sooner
than later inside the country, a series of political attacks were launched
against this southern African nation.
White land owners, who were citizens of Zimbabwe but at the same time held
British passports, joined in with opponents of the Zimbabwe government to form
the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). This organization saw the existence
of the ZANU-PF government as the main problem in Zimbabwe.
With funding from the U.S. and Britain, the MDC embarked upon a disruption
campaign aimed at derailing the land redistribution program. A series of
strikes launched by the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) and the MDC
were designed to further weaken the country economically.
The U.S., Britain and the European Union have imposed sanctions on Zimbabwe.
After the country withstood two major attempts during election campaigns in
2000 and 2002 to overturn the ZANU-PF government, these Western imperialist
nations set out to isolate Zimbabwe.
They pressured the government of President Thabo Mbeki in South Africa to place
a blockade on Zimbabwe. The South African government under the leadership of
the African National Congress refused to establish a blockade of Zimbabwe and
instead extended the country a loan that prevented a further deepening of its
economic problems.
Despite the attempts by the West to cripple Zimbabwe and topple the government
of President Mugabe, the nation has survived. They have developed a “Look
East” policy aimed at increasing trade with nations in Asia, Africa and
Latin America. The land redistribution program in Zimbabwe has sparked vigorous
debate in both South Africa and Namibia, where similar situations exist with
Europeans still controlling most of the arable and mineral-rich land years
after national independence.
Role of the African Union and the Pan-African
Parliament
The African Union (AU) was established in 2003 in an effort to implement the
Nkrumaist vision of a unified African continent. The Organization of African
Unity (OAU), which was formed in May of 1963, had agreed to dissolve in favor
of a more effective continental organization that would move towards a
continental assembly, a peacekeeping force, a single currency and transport and
communications systems.
The AU has been involved in the conflicts in the Horn of Africa between
Ethiopia and Eritrea, the Darfur conflict in Sudan, the situations in Ivory
Coast, Zimbabwe, Liberia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. The current
chair of the AU, John Kufour, gained the seat because the controversy in
Western circles surrounding the Darfur conflict prevented President Omar
al-Bashir of Sudan from taking the seat for two years in a row. Consequently,
the AU faces the same challenges as the former OAU with persistent interference
by the U.S. in the internal affairs of African nations.
The Pan-African Parliament (PAP) based in Midrand, South Africa, was
established by the AU in 2004. Its ultimate aim is to become a continental-wide
legislative body that will be elected by popular vote. The president of the
Pan-African Parliament is Gertrude Ibengwe-Mongella of Tanzania.
In order for both the AU and the PAP to become political forces in the
international community, it will require an independent foreign policy on the
part of significant numbers of African governments. Alliances with U.S.
imperialism have proven to be extremely detrimental to African states. The role
of Ethiopia and Kenya in the U.S.-backed invasion and occupation of Somalia
will have long term implications for these East African nations.
Africa—a greater focus for U.S. imperialism
An article released recently by the Guardian newspaper in London states that
the Pentagon has established an African Command called “Africom.”
This is designed to intensify U.S. military operations on the continent.
Africa’s role as an oil supplier to the U.S. and other Western
imperialist nations will create potential conflict within African states.
The formidable resistance in Iraq against the American occupation will be
sparked in Africa at an even greater level if the Americans pursue their plans
of re-colonizing the continent. Africa has a long tradition of waging
successful popular and armed struggles against colonial forces including
Portugal, France, Britain, the Boers in South Africa, Italy and the U.S. in
Angola and Somalia.
The anti-war movement must be equipped politically to take on the challenges of
U.S. foreign policy aims in Africa as well as other parts of the world
including Latin America, North Korea, Iran, China and the Caribbean. A broader
and deeper study of the ever increasing role of the U.S. in oil exploration and
trade in Africa as well as the attempt to stifle independent political
initiatives such as the Union of Islamic Courts movement in Somalia must be a
main focus of attention.
The $620 billion to $716 billion estimated annual defense budget in the U.S.,
which is greater than all other nations combined, should be utilized to solve
the problems of hunger, homelessness, health care, racism, education and senior
services. When people in the U.S. begin to focus their attention on solving the
national and international crises of poverty and inequality, then perhaps the
declining image of the world’s most powerful imperialist nation will
change. It is up to the people of this country and the world to fight against
all attempts to re-impose colonialism and reverse the course of history.
Distributed by: The Pan-African Research and Documentation Center, 50 SCB
Box 47, Wayne State University, Detroit, MI 48202; e-mail: [email protected]
Articles copyright 1995-2012 Workers World.
Verbatim copying and distribution of this entire article is permitted in any medium without royalty provided this notice is preserved.
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