Women, prison and HIV
By
Melissa Kleinman
Published Mar 23, 2007 11:46 PM
Women in prison are suffering from HIV, and their pain and their courage are
going unnoticed.
A health care worker who has been providing care to incarcerated HIV-infected
women in Massachusetts prisons since 1992 describes the situation of one of her
patients: “Z is 25 years old. Last year, Z moved back to her
mother’s house after her husband died of AIDS, and her mother moved her
stepfather back into her room with her. That was the way they lived when she
left home at 16. She says that she protested, that she ran out into the yard
crying about incest, but they sat her down at the kitchen table and told her
that it couldn’t be incest because he was not her real father. How can
this be?
“I ask her why her mother does this to her. She says her stepfather
doesn’t care that she is HIV-positive, he doesn’t wear a condom
when he sleeps with her, and she thinks that her mother is ‘getting him
back’ this way. She wears her hair long, in two big pony tails set high
on her head like a little girl. She talks in a little-girl voice and
won’t look me in the eye when she tells me that she has to go home when
she gets out, to her mother and stepfather, because she has no other place to
go.”
This health care worker paints a picture of the life of just one of her many
HIV patients. Most people rarely hear the numbers or the crises of these
women.
The number of women in the prison system who have HIV in comparison to men is
alarming. Even though women are less likely to be incarcerated than men,
incarcerated women are three times more likely to be infected with HIV than are
incarcerated men. One in 10 inmates in U.S. prisons and jails is a woman.
In many U.S. states more than 20 percent of the female inmate population is
HIV-positive, while 9 percent of incarcerated men are HIV-positive. In the
state of Nevada, 30.6 percent of the female prison population is living with
HIV.
According to 2003 figures, over 14 percent of the women incarcerated in the
state of New York were living with HIV—twice the rate of male prisoners.
In New Jersey state prisons, 9 percent of incarcerated women were known to be
infected with HIV. In Connecticut, the prevalence of HIV infection among women
incarcerated in the state prison is 15 percent.
HIV has additionally affected women of color in recent years. In the general
U.S. population, Black women account for 64 percent of new HIV infections.
These women are also disproportionately represented in correctional facilities
due to overwhelmingly institutionalized racism.
The number of women incarcerated in U.S. prisons has increased more than
six-fold since 1980. Almost two-thirds of women in prison in 1998 were women of
color. Black women were twice as likely as Latina women and eight times more
likely than white women to be in prison.
Black women make up 44 percent of the female jail population and 48 percent of
women in state prisons.
Linkages among histories of childhood sexual abuse, physical abuse, drug use
and sex work are believed to explain the disproportionately high prevalence of
HIV infection among incarcerated women. According to self-reported data, as
many as one-third to two-thirds of incarcerated women report prior sexual
abuse, and as many as two in five report a history of childhood sexual abuse.
More than 80 percent of women in prison have experienced significant and
prolonged exposure to physical abuse by family members or intimates.
Prostitution can be one of the few opportunities for poor women, including
impoverished women of color, to survive. Women of color aged 14 to 24 years old
accounted for 42 percent of the women arrested and imprisoned for sex work in
2001 in the United States. According to the Minnesota Department of Correction,
25 percent of women incarcerated for prostitution in the state are Black. At
the same time unemployment for single Black mothers in the state of Minnesota
is over 10 percent, and is double the percentage of unemployed single white
mothers.
Poverty is a direct cause for women to become sex workers. A 2004 U.S. Census
Bureau report shows that the poverty rate for Black women was 25 percent, more
than twice the percentage for non-Black women. Black households had the lowest
median income amongst all national groups; poverty rates were highest for
families headed by single women. The poverty rate for Black or Latina
female-headed households is nearly 40 percent. In comparison, poverty rates for
households head by single men came in at 13.5 percent.
It is apparent that the status of women in the United States, especially that
of poor and oppressed women, plays a huge role in their high rates of
incarceration and HIV infection rates. But this does not have to be the
norm.
Where capitalism in the United States presents few options and engenders
further oppression of women, in Cuba, by contrast, women are finding
socioeconomic opportunities. In fact, one of the most significant changes
brought about by the Cuban Revolution has been to the lives and status of
women. Since the Revolution, which has put gender issues to the forefront of
policy making, Cuban women have seen a fundamental transformation in almost
every aspect of their lives.
The Cuban Constitution explicitly guarantees that women have the economic,
political, social, cultural and family rights and opportunities equal to those
of men. These guarantees are found in Article 32, which states that women and
men enjoy the same economic, political, cultural, social and family rights;
Article 42, which states that sex discrimination, among other forms of
discrimination, is forbidden by law; and Article 44, which stipulates
women’s right to equality in the home, at work, in health provision and
in their entitlement to state benefits.
Equality for working women in Cuba is guaranteed by law—one of the
fundamental measures taken to achieve social justice, the main objective of the
Revolution. The Labor Code ensures equal rights and opportunities for women in
all fields of work. Women are assured an equal salary for equal work, while in
the United States white women still make 74 cents to every dollar a white man
makes.
In other ways Cuba shows its commitment to the equality of women, who compose
36 percent of female deputies in the National Assembly. Cuba ranks fifth in the
world, after the Scandinavian countries, for the percentage of parliamentarians
who are women. The average for Latin America was 14.7 percent in 1999.
In Cuban’s central government, 18 percent of ministers and 22.7 percent
of deputy ministers are women. Just over 16 percent of the State Councils are
women. In the provincial assemblies, 31 percent of delegates are women. Within
the legal system, 62 percent of lawyers, 49 percent of judges and 47 percent of
the Supreme Court are women.
Statistics reveal the role women play in a wide number of fields. Women compose
66.1 percent of all professionals and technicians, 51 percent of all doctors,
43 percent of scientists, 33.1 percent of managers. Overall, 50 percent of
professional posts are held by women. Sixty-two percent of all university
students are women, and 49.5 percent of graduates with higher degrees are
women. In 2001, in seven out of nine branches of the sciences, women
represented over 50 percent of graduates.
By any standard, the position of women in Cuba ranks among the highest. The
culture of equality promoted by socialism and the infrastructure created during
the decades following the Revolution have brought fundamental changes and
improvements to the lives of Cuban women.
The question for women on U.S. soil remains unanswered: How much have human
beings in U.S. society advanced and gained, when the women of this society, in
particular those who are poor and oppressed, are denied the opportunities to
provide for themselves and their families, and are instead locked behind
concrete walls, dying of AIDS and cut off from the possibilities that would
help them grow and flourish?
Melissa Kleinman is a FIST member and a Denver public-health-care
HIV/AIDS worker.
Sources for this article come from Women in Prison Project, Positive
Populations Vol. 3, No. 5 and cuba-solidarity.org
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