Buffett & Gates
They’re giving it away—but not really
By
Sara Flounders
Published Jul 13, 2006 9:32 PM
Billionaire investor Warren Buffett has
announced he is donating the great bulk of his fortune—$31 billion in
stock holdings—to the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation. The
foundation’s current assets are already $30 billion.
Rwandan child orphaned by AIDS with his grandmother. The Gates Foundation invested $200 million in the very drug companies that stopped the shipment of low-cost drugs to African countries.
Photo: UNICEF
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We are told
that this means that the world’s two wealthiest individuals have given the
largest share of their fabulous wealth to “charity.”
The
major corporate media was glowing in its descriptions of the impact that the
largest philanthropic gift in history will have. According to these media, the
selflessness, concern for humanity and forward-thinking global view of these
multi-billionaires deserves praise and adulation.
Looking at their
smiling, genial faces, who would suspect that one multi-billionaire is
responsible for monopoly policies that will cost millions of lives in Africa? Or
that the other is engaged, through aggressive acquisitions and mergers, in
cutting the jobs of tens of thousands of workers here in the U.S. and shipping
them to where slave-labor conditions predominate?
One billionaire favors
the Republican Party, the other the Democrats. Both are magnanimously impartial
and give a few millions to both parties.
Buffett is the founder of
Berkshire Hathaway. Besides the major gift to the Gates Foundation—which
is based on Bill Gates’ Microsoft fortune—Buffett is dividing $6
billion among four other charities started by his family members. Each of
Buffett’s three children is guaranteed their own fortune and their own
personal foundation to direct.
Great philanthropic foundations, like all
charities, are intended to keep collective initiative, mass action and therefore
power out of the hands of the very people they are supposedly meant to serve.
They increase dependency on handouts.
In placing the great majority of
their personally held wealth into foundations and trusts, Bill Gates and Warren
Buffett are taking the same steps that the super-rich of past eras
took.
The wealthiest corporate owners of the past had the equivalent of
today’s billions of dollars earning dividends and daily interest for them.
The problem was that even with manipulation of the books and all kinds of
accounting tricks, some of these earnings were still taxable.
Andrew
Carnegie, Paul Mellon and John D. Rockefeller—some of the first group of
super-rich robber barons—all set up foundations. This legal maneuver
allowed them to protect their enormous fortunes and avoid hundreds of millions
of dollars in taxes while maintaining absolute control of their wealth. Today
these foundations are run by the families’ personally appointed boards and
make thousands of grants, large and small, to shape public opinion, define
political issues and maximize the power and influence of those who set them
up.
Just the interest on $1 billion—one thousand million—is
far beyond what could ever be spent by themselves, their immediate families and
even their most extravagant, spendthrift heirs, and that’s without ever
touching the principal. Even at a modest 5-percent return, $1 billion earns
$137,000 in interest every day, or $1 million in interest every week. The
collective fortunes of Gates and Buffett’s—$70 thousand
million—represent an obscene expropriation of resources on a global
scale.
The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation states that it is guided by
the belief that every life has equal value. The goal of the foundation is
supposedly to reduce inequality, improve lives, improve health and reduce
extreme poverty. It focuses on fighting infectious diseases and reforming
education.
Warren Buffett said that he decided to give 85 percent of his
wealth to the Gates Foundation because he was so deeply impressed by the work of
the foundation on a global scale. The Gates Foundation claims to have saved
hundreds of thousands of lives in Africa by providing vaccines and drugs. It
claims it is spending millions working on treatments for malaria, tuberculosis
and AIDS.
Defending property rights
What is the reality?
According to researcher and journalist Greg Palast, the policies promoted
through the Gates Foundation could kill far more African people than
Gates’s public relations agents claim it has saved.
Bill Gates,
chair of Microsoft Corp., became the wealthiest person on the planet through his
monopoly control of computer operating systems. Microsoft’s status is
safeguarded by the international treaty called TRIPS, short for Agreement on
Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights. This monopoly-protecting
agreement is enforced through the World Trade Organization (WTO).
As
Palast explained: “TRIPS gives Gates a hammerlock on computer operating
systems worldwide, legally granting him the kind of monopoly the robber barons
of yore could only dream of. But TRIPS, the rule which helps Gates rule, also
bars African governments from buying AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis medicine at
cheap market prices.” (The Observer, July 14, 2003)
The
monopoly-protecting TRIPS agreements have been under attack by African countries
that are desperate to get lower-priced drugs for the 23 million Africans who are
sick with HIV-AIDS. Gates has been determined to protect this monopoly agreement
at all cost.
The Gates Foundation invested $200 million in the very drug
companies that were stopping the shipment of low-cost drugs to African
countries. Then, spending less than 2 percent of his net worth, Gates bought
medicines to distribute to dying Africans—and a lot of publicity for his
work.
The foundation trumpets its lofty goals of reaching 1 million
people with medicine by the end of the decade. But Gates accomplishes this by
locking in a trade system that will block delivery of medicine to over 20
million people who desperately need medicine now.
Putting property rights
before human rights has the unanimous support of U.S. corporations, the
corporate media, foundations established by corporate wealth and both the
Republican and Democratic parties.
President Bill Clinton threatened
trade sanctions against Argentina for daring to sell low-cost drugs in Africa.
President George W. Bush’s grand plan to combat AIDS in Africa was
to offer billions of dollars in loans at full interest to African nations. But
the loans could be used only to buy patented drugs from U.S. companies at prices
several times higher than generic drugs.
Buying
protection
Gates learned the hard way that staying out of national
politics can be costly. The Clinton administration’s anti-trust case
against the Microsoft monopoly taught him the importance of spreading around
millions to protect his billions.
Microsoft contributed more than $6.1
million of “soft” money to the 2000 election that put Bush in
office. It was the second-largest donor to the Republican Party, exceeded only
by Philip Morris. Then, under Bush, the anti-trust case was settled favorably
for Microsoft.
By the 2004 election Gates was covering all the bases,
making large donations to both Bush and John Kerry. Microsoft rose to the number
three corporate political donor in the U.S. At its present rate of donations it
is expected to become number one.
Gates also makes generous donations to
the think tanks that shape public opinion, such as Americans for Tax Reform, the
Cato Institute and the Heritage Foundation.
One of Microsoft’s top
lobbyists, John Kelly, is a major fundraiser for Bush. Micro soft employed
religious conservative Ralph Reed, formerly a leader of the Christian Coalition,
as a political consultant at a $20,000 monthly retainer. Reed was on retainer to
Microsoft while helping run the Bush presidential campaigns of 2000 and
2004.
Microsoft also retained the now-indicted lobbyist Jack Abramoff and
gave indicted Tom DeLay a $10,000 campaign contribution. His Gates Foundation
also gave the DeLay Foundation for Kids a $100,000 donation.
Both Gates
and Buffett have taken full advantage of the elimination of almost all
restrictions on personal wealth. They are the greatest beneficiaries of
Bush’s cuts in taxes to the super-rich.
Gates has been spending $20
million a year on federal lobbying and campaign donations. This was a tiny
fraction on the return he received in lowered taxes. After Bush cut the
35-percent tax rate on dividends down to 15 percent, Microsoft issued a $32
billion dividend to its shareholders.
Paper cuts
Warren
Buffett certainly seems to hold liberal views on most social issues. For a
multi-billionaire, he lives rather modestly in a home he bought decades ago. He
is described as a very talented investor. His wealth is described as coming from
a series of paper transactions—acquisitions and mergers.
But paper
transactions in the capitalist system have a devastating impact on millions of
working people. Buffett’s talent is finding companies to buy, and then
increasing profits at these companies through big layoffs and ruthless
reorganization and restructuring. His talent is the ability to see where assets
can be maximized.
Workers have no voice and no rights in this process.
Companies where they have spent their lives are suddenly downsized. Whole
industries are moved abroad. Homes in small towns and cities, where workers have
spent 30 years paying off a mortgage, are suddenly worthless because the plants
have closed. Entire towns and regions dry up without their industrial
base.
Investment analyst Jonathan Davis described how Buffett organized
his operation. Berkshire Hathaway, Buffett’s holding company, owns
outright a whole string of industrial, retail and insurance companies. The cash
generated from the insurance companies, such as Geico, provides the capital that
Buffett and his partner, Charlie Munger, use to invest.
The drive of the
whole capitalist system is to maximize profit. Regardless of how good, bad,
generous or stingy Buffett is personally, his investors must be satisfied. He
has to increase the per-share value of Berkshire Hathaway. That can only be done
by ruthlessly lowering labor costs—through technological improvements, new
inventions or finding cheaper labor. All these processes in the capitalist
system can involve huge layoffs.
Investors are interested in putting
their money into Berkshire Hathaway because they will earn more. As soon as the
rate of return drops by even half a percentage point, they will withdraw their
money and go elsewhere.
Berkshire Hathaway was originally a
textile-manufacturing firm in New Bedford, Mass. Buffett bought it and
eventually put its 425 workers out of work. He then used the shell of the
company to acquire a fortune. He was on his way. He has repeated this hundreds
of times.
When he purchased Fruit of the Loom in August 2004, the workers
at the plant in Cameron County, Texas, reportedly cheered. They had all heard
that Buffett was smart and super-rich. They didn’t expect him to double
profits by eliminating the jobs of the 800 workers. The reorganization of Fruit
of the Loom also meant the closing of a yarn factory in Rabun County, Ga.
Buffett engineered the merger of Gillette, where he had become the
largest shareholder, with Procter & Gamble. The consolidation meant a $645
million profit to Buffett and an initial cut of 6,000 jobs. More layoffs are
planned.
Buffett understands the global market. His wealth is bound up
with the wholesale attack on workers’ living standards in the U.S. that
began during the Reagan administration. In 1983 Buffett was worth $620 million.
By 1989 this had grown to $3.8 billion. Another 12 years and he was worth more
than 10 times that amount.
Capitalism and poverty
But the
larger question is can the capitalist rulers—even if they had the best of
intentions—end poverty and inequality? Can the Bill and Melinda Gates Foun
dation bring about a society where every life has equal value?
For the
Microsoft Foundation to thrive, companies like Microsoft and Buffett’s
Berkshire Hathaway must answer to an interlocking corporate network of bank ers,
brokers, investment companies and shareholders who demand maximum profits. And
profits can grow only by exploiting labor.
This means continuing to do
what Buffett did in gathering his fortune. It means creating poverty, pain,
layoffs and massive insecurity. The gap between the rich and the poor will
continue to widen. By every measure under capitalism, the rich really do get
richer and the poor get poorer.
When productivity increases, what happens?
The workers are paid a smaller part of what they produce. The capitalists, whose
wealth comes from taking a larger share of what workers produce, will with each
breakthrough in technology increase their portion of the value the workers
produce. The more productive labor becomes, the wider the gulf grows.
Today the gap between rich and poor is greater in the U.S. than in any
other industrialized country in the world. One percent of the population owns
half the wealth of the country. Globally, 200 billionaires own more than the 2
billion poorest people. A third of these billionaires live in the U.S—yet
even here, 20 percent of the children live in poverty.
By every measure
the gap is widening. Twenty-five years ago a typical CEO of a large corporation
earned 40 times as much as the average worker. Today the CEO earns 400 times
more than the average worker.
On a world scale, poverty is greater than at
any time in human history. Some 1.1 billion people are desperately struggling to
survive on less than $1 a day. About half the world’s people, some 3
billion, exist on less than $2 a day. Per-capita income has actually fallen in
50 countries in the past decade. Every year poverty on a global scale
increases—as does extreme wealth.
The alternative
It
doesn’t have to be this way. There is one small country that has put into
practice the lofty goals of the Gates Foundation to “reduce inequality,
improve lives, improve health and reduce extreme poverty.”
Socialist Cuba has a gross national product of only $10
billion—less than 15 percent of the Gates Foundation’s assets.
Nevertheless, its health care system is world renowned and it has an infant
mortality rate lower than many U.S. cities. Its educational level is the highest
in Latin America. This is considered such a dangerous example that a U.S.
blockade of Cuba has been in place for 46 years.
Incredible progress has
been made in this relatively poor and once technologically backward
country—especially in education, health care and culture—through the
collective action of its whole population. The Cuban Revolution broke the hold
of the few multi-millionaire owners. Cuba’s workers and farmers
don’t rely on charity. They are the owners of the country’s
wealth.
Cuba sends more than 20,000 medical professionals a year to Third
World countries, far more than the World Health Organization or any foundation.
Its goal in Latin America and the Caribbean is to train a total of 100,000
doctors from the region, for the region.
Cuba’s pharmaceutical
industry is at the forefront of developing inexpensive drugs for diseases that
are the most common scourges in much of the world.
The Cuban experience
has demonstrated just how solvable the problems of world hunger and disease are.
The real challenge is how to break the hold of a capitalist system that enriches
a handful and brings ruin to millions.
Articles copyright 1995-2012 Workers World.
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