BOOK REVIEW
Countering imperialist propaganda: North Korea, Zimbabwe, Yugoslavia
Published Jul 17, 2006 7:43 PM
“Strange Liberators: Militarism, Mayhem and the Pursuit of
Profit,” by Gregory Elich, Llumina Press, 2006, 402 pages. Available
through LeftBooks.com.
By John Catalinotto
Radical
political scientist and historian Michael Parenti writes in his introduction to
Greg Elich’s new book, Strange Liberators: “The difference between
what U.S. citizens think their rulers are doing in the world and what these
rulers actually are doing is one of the great propaganda achievements of
history.”
With his ambitious attempt to combat that propaganda,
Elich confronts the lies of the U.S. government and its servile media as he
takes on what he calls the “hard cases.” North Korea’s nuclear
program, the imperialist assault on Yugoslavia and the machinations against
Zimbabwe are his major topics. Even for people who have been following these
conflicts closely, Elich has found material that sheds new light on the
events.
Though he first finished the book in 2003, he spent the next two
and a half years searching for a publisher, during which time he continually
updated his material to keep up with new developments, especially regarding the
Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea and Zimbabwe. The book is up-to-date, well
researched and a treasure of political arguments.
His work regarding the
DPRK is especially on target now, following that country’s tests of
rockets and a new wave of threats against North Korea from the U.S. and Japan,
the two colonial powers on the Korean peninsula in the 19th and 20th
centuries.
Korea’s nuclear program
Elich reviews about
15 years of U.S. relations with North Korea regarding that country’s
nuclear power program and its alleged construction of nuclear weapons. While
Washington portrayed the Pyongyang leaders as intransigent and irrational, it
was the U.S. that refused to make an honest deal.
Elich quotes Selig
Harrison, Director of the Asia Program at the Center for International Policy,
to show that the Bush administration’s “very rigid position”
showed it was “not prepared to trade anything” and “risks a
war. The point is, the administration’s objective is really regime change
in Pyongyang.”
Harrison referred to Victor Cha of Georgetown
University, whom he called a “kind of ideologue of the Bush
administration” regarding Korean affairs. Cha’s book on North Korea
“lays it all out: the purpose of negotiations with North Korea, he says,
is not to settle anything.”
“You have these multilateral
negotiations in Beijing simply to show the other parties in the
region—China, South Korea, Russia and Japan—that it is not possible
to make any deals with North Korea. He [Cha] says the purpose of the
negotiations is to mobilize a ‘coalition for
punishment.’”
This analysis fits with the latest news, where
U.S. pundits speculate what policy will help Washington line up China and Russia
to support sanctions against North Korea in the United Nations Security Council.
No one in the Bush administration has yet raised as a serious possibility
negotiating a real end to the 1950-53 Korean War and normalizing relations with
the DPRK.
Elich shows how during 2004 and 2005 it was only on the
insistence of the South Korean government that the U.S. had to keep putting up a
good front during the six-part talk, and that even then the U.S. bargaining
position was intransigent—the U.S. negotiators constantly raised the bar
with extra demands on the DPRK for concessions.
And the
Democrats
This summer two prominent members of the Clinton
administration, Assistant Defense Secretary Ashton Carter and Defense Secretary
William Perry, have been writing position papers advocating a preemptive
military strike against North Korea’s rocket launch pads. Anyone reading
Elich’s book could follow the aggressive history of the Clinton
administration and especially these two officials. Elich shows how in 1994 the
U.S. came within hours of launching an all-out war against North Korea.
In
writings following that period, Perry and Carter revealed that the Clinton
administration “spent much of the first half of 1994 preparing for war on
the Korean peninsula.” The main target was the Yongbyon nuclear site, but
targets included all of the DPRK’s military installations. “In the
event of a North Korea attack,” they wrote [that is, a response to the
U.S. attack—JC], “U.S. forces, working side by side with the South
Korean army and using bases in Japan, would quickly destroy the North Korean
army and the North Korean regime.” Since the battle would be waged
“in Seoul’s suburbs,” they expected heavy casualties among all
the armed forces, and “millions of refugees” crowding the highways.
They don’t discuss the many civilians who would die.
According to
Elich—and he provides sources—Clinton officials were meeting to
launch the war when Jimmy Carter pulled the rug out from under them. The former
president had visited the DPRK, succeeded in getting an agreement from the
Pyongyang government and then held a news conference announcing the agreement.
Only by going public did he force the Clinton officials to pull back on their
war plans.
Frustrated in Asia, the Clinton administration then opened a
78-day bombing campaign against Yugoslavia on March 24,
1999.
Aggression against Yugoslavia—and lies
The U.S.
rulers were even more successful in selling the war on Yugoslavia, in the sense
that even some progressive media outlets repeated the lies demonizing President
Slobodan Milosevic, the Yugoslav army and even the Serb
population.
Milosevic had waged a heroic and quite successful self-defense
in his trial before NATO’s court in The Hague until his suspicious death
in March. On July 10, this so-called tribunal opened another important case on
the so-called “Kosovo War,” this one against Serbian President Milan
Milutinovic and five other Yugoslav leaders for the same charges about Kosovo
that Milosevic’s defense had completely discredited.
Elich again
provides good research to back up his explanation of the “Kosovo
War,” the machinations used to overthrow the Milosevic government in the
summer of 2000, and other aspects of the war waged by the U.S. and its NATO
allies to destroy the multinational, pro-socialist state of Yugoslavia from
1990-2000.
One point that Elich reveals involves the details of the U.S.
threats against Yugoslavia at the end of May 1999. This was an important moment,
one that led the Belgrade government to allow NATO to occupy Serbia’s
Kosovo province.
The world knew that Yugoslavia faced an imminent
invasion. It knew also that the Russian government had removed all support for
the embattled Yugoslavs. What was kept hidden at the time were the specific
threats the European Union’s “mediator,” Martti Ahtisaari,
literally laid on the table before Yugoslavia’s coalition
government.
When Milosevic asked “what will happen if I don’t
sign” the ultimatum, “Ahtisaari made a gesture on the table,”
wrote Serb negotiator Ljubisa Ristic, and then moved aside the flower
centerpiece. Then Ahtisaari said, “Belgrade will be like this table. We
will immediately begin carpetbombing Belgrade. There will be half a million dead
within a week.” The Yugoslav leaders accepted the terms.
Zimbabwe
and the land question
As with the war on Yugoslavia, the U.S. has also
disguised its maneuvers in Africa as “humanitarian interventions.”
In Somalia the U.S. forces were supposed to be feeding people in a “failed
state.” Now the propagandists are making a case that the civil war in
Sudan needs the wise heads of imperialist generals to “rescue Black
Africans.”
Another major target of U.S. and British maneuverings is
Zimbabwe. This southern African country with 12 million inhabitants, formerly
called Southern Rhodesia after the wealthy British colonialist and then led by
outright apartheid-style racist settlers, won its independence in 1980 following
a long liberation war.
A leader of that independence struggle, Robert
Mugabe, has been the head of the Zimbabwean government since. As Elich points
out, a key element of the struggle for liberation of the African people is the
struggle for land in this agricultural country. British and U.S. attitudes
toward Mugabe soured when the African leader began to resist privatization and
imperialist globalization in the form of “structural adjustment
programs.”
Then conflict between Britain and the Mugabe government
sharpened when the government in Harare started to seize the land from the
wealthy European farmers and distributed it to Africans who had participated in
the struggle for liberation. To the Tony Blair government, its allies in
Washington and the imperialist press, taking this land from “productive
farmers” was a heinous crime. The imperialists slander the Mugabe
government, calling it autocratic and inefficient.
Elich, with a quick
review of colonial history of the region, shows how the British Empire waged a
bloody colonial war against the local peoples to seize the land in the first
place and distribute it to settlers, then how the colonial governments drove
Africans off the land and prevented them from owning it by law. If the
settlers’ farms are productive, it is also because the colonial regimes
built up the country’s infrastructure in such a way as to support the
regions owned by European-origin farmers.
In 2002, the 4,500 white
commercial farm owners still held 70 percent of Zimbabwe’s arable land.
Six million African peasants did subsistence farming in the “communal
areas.”
Since the sanctions the U.S. and the EU have imposed against
Zimbabwe have condemned many of its HIV-positive citizens to death, it is hard
even for the imperialist media to claim a “humanitarian
intervention” is needed. Instead, the intervention is alleged to be
pro-democracy.
The tool for this intervention was the Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC), founded in September 1999 and benefiting from a massive
infusion of funds from Western sources, writes Elich. The MDC supported the
structural adjustment programs that Mugabe’s ZANU-PF party had begun to
resist.
By 2002 the British High Commissioner to Zimbabwe, Brian
Donnelly, who had been ambassador to Yugoslavia for two years, was considered
instrumental in formulating a plan to get rid of Mugabe. This time the plot
failed.
The MDC was weakened in 2005 when its leader, Morgan Tsvangirai,
provoked a split in his own party by demanding a boycott of the election. The
split led to a landslide victory for ZANU-PF, Mugabe’s party. His next
announced step was to prepare for regime change not by electoral processes but
through what amounts to a coup.
In each of these hard cases and some other
topics Elich takes up, he shows the goal of U.S. foreign policy is never
democracy or human rights, but “to create a world that exists only to
serve the wealthy, where resources are freely exploited and the mass of humanity
labors for shrinking wages and inadequate or nonexistent benefits.”
Articles copyright 1995-2012 Workers World.
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